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She wrote extensively on feminism and temperance in the 1840s and 1850s for regional, national, and agricultural papers. Horrified by slavery in Missouri, Gage directed her energies here toward abolition. The Missouri Republican responded by merely refusing to publish her fervently antislavery columns, but others took stronger action. Her home was burned several times before the Civil War.
The Movement then turned its attention to lunch counters. A letter campaign led by Alderman Jasper Caston led to a city ordinance in April, 1944, desegregating lunch rooms in City Hall and all other municipal buildings. In May, the newly formed Citizens Civil Rights Commission set its sights on department store lunch counters, which were always closed to black shoppers and diners. Growing out of a desire for a more integrated St. Louis, the March on Washington Movement began work in 1943 for jobs and access. It organized pickets of Southwestern Bell starting June 12, lobbying for jobs for black operators whose applications the company had turned down.
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The St. Louis electorate passed a bond issue in 1954 to redevelop the area. Some 20,000 people lived from Market and Vandeventer to the Mississippi River, and between 20th and Grand, extending south from Olive to the railroad tracks; 95 percent of them were black. Demolition of the area began in 1959 to make way for Laclede Town, Grand Towers, the Ozark Expressway , and a 22-acre extension by the St. Louis University onto the Civil War-era Camp Jackson site.
Turpin, Vaughn, Mitchell, and attorney Homer Phillips orchestrated the final bolt to the Democratic Party in St. Louis in 1934. By 1937, three in five black voters in St. Louis were Democrats. That same year, St. Louis Public Schools opened a vocational school for black students at 814 North 19th Street. Named Booker T. Washington Technical High School in 1934, it harkened to Washington's model of race relations.
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Within two years pro-southern whites answered his antislavery editorials with threats against the paper's office. After a series of break-ins at the paper in 1837 and a judge publicly denouncing his views, Lovejoy moved to Alton, Illinois, where slavery was illegal since the Northwest Ordinance of 1787. Later that year, a pro-slavery mob attacked the paper's office and killed Lovejoy. Frances Dana Gage met violence as well. A women's rights leader and writer in Ohio, Gage moved to St. Louis soon after chairing the 1853 National Women's Rights Convention in Cleveland.
Shelley v. Kraemer remains a landmark case leading to lifting legal restrictions based on race. A growing black population in St. Louis required more and bigger churches. St. Paul's AME grew out of the African Methodist Church, for example, erecting its new building in 1872 at 11th and Lucas. It was the first church building constructed by and for an African-American congregation. The church moved to Lawton and Leffingwell in 1890.
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African-Americans' color always identified them as different from the prevailing white culture, making it easier to force them into separate areas. By 1909 there were nine black Freemasons chapters in the city, and the Negro Masonic Hall Association raised enough money to purchase its own building. The groups moved from their rented quarters to Easton Avenue (now Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr., Boulevard).
But all pointed to the truth of DuBois' assertion of a century ago, that the problem of the twentieth century has been the problem of the color line. The Stars also signed one of the greatest players of the twentieth century, outfielder James "Cool Papa" Bell. Later joining the Homestead Grays with the likes of Josh Gibson, Jimmie Crutchfield, and Satchel Paige, and then to the Kansas City Monarchs, Bell ranks among the greatest of batters and base runners. He is the only player to ever steal home-in a post-season exhibition tour of All-Star black and white teams-against Cardinal great Dizzy Dean. For that, city government later renamed Dickson Street for him, to James "Cool Papa" Bell Avenue. The names commemorated prominent African-Americans both locally and nationally.
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At the same time, they were attracted by the lure of land in the opening West. Migrating to form new black communities, mostly in Kansas, these former slaves arrived in St. Louis penniless on their trek to new lives in the West. At the time of the Dred Scott case, about one person in twenty living in St. Louis was African-American, two-third of whom were slaves. The percentage of the population with African descent was about five percent until the late 1870s. The end of political Reconstruction in 1877 and the rise of the Ku Klux Klan in the south compelled southern blacks to migrate north to cities such as St. Louis. Most famous, perhaps, were the Exodusters of 1879, so named for their exodus to what many of them thought was a sort of "promised land."
Even after the Brown v. Board of Education of Topeka decision in 1954, St. Louis schools remained segregated. As with many cities, black and white St. Louisans lived in separate parts of town for the most part. African-Americans generally lived north of Delmar by 1970, white residents in the south and southwestern city, with an integrated strip down the central corridor. These housing patterns dictated the racial distribution in schools, creating a de facto segregated education system even after the Supreme Court held that separate schools could never be equal. Some three students in four in St. Louis city schools were African-American in 1980, while white students increasingly attended schools in the county.
